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U.K.’s Labour: Snatching Defeat From Victory’s Jaws

As Prime Minister Theresa May’s government tears itself apart over plans to quit the European Union, there could scarcely be a better time for the opposition Labour Party to exploit the disarray and press its case to govern Britain.

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By
Stephen Castle
, New York Times

As Prime Minister Theresa May’s government tears itself apart over plans to quit the European Union, there could scarcely be a better time for the opposition Labour Party to exploit the disarray and press its case to govern Britain.

Instead, Labour’s left-wing leader, Jeremy Corbyn, is embroiled in a crisis largely of his own making over anti-Semitism — one that has crystallized internal divisions and stirred speculation about a breakaway by centrist lawmakers.

And hanging over that squabble are two other divisive issues with the potential to break Corbyn’s Labour Party apart: its position on Brexit, Britain’s planned withdrawal from the European Union, and possible changes in party rules that centrists fear could be used to purge them.

The stakes are high because the Labour Party has split before, in 1981, when a group broke away to found a centrist organization, the Social Democratic Party. That experiment did not end well for Labour or for the rebels, one reason Corbyn’s critics are being cautious.

On Tuesday, Labour’s National Executive Committee, its ruling body, was trying to calm the latest chapter in the seemingly endless disputes over anti-Semitism, this time centering on the party’s reluctance to fully adopt an internationally recognized definition of anti-Semitism.

At Tuesday’s meeting the committee tried to redress that by including the full text of the working definition of anti-Semitism compiled by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance. But it also attempted to make clear that this should not prevent criticism of Israeli government policies, particularly toward the Palestinians.

It remained unclear whether that would end months of bitter criticism of Labour from faith leaders and Jewish newspapers that has tarnished the party’s image.

“Most voters don’t pay a lot of attention to the Westminster bubble,” said Tom Quinn, a senior lecturer in government at the University of Essex, referring to the seat of Parliament. “But when something rumbles on and on and on, that’s when it seeps into the public consciousness and helps to create an image in the voter’s mind about what a party represents, and there is a danger that this creates a perception of a party that doesn’t like certain groups.”

Corbyn is Labour’s most left-wing leader in decades, his politics forged in more than three decades of activism on the party’s fringes. After he won the leadership in 2015, internal critics tried and failed to unseat him. Then, last year, Corbyn performed better than expected in a general election, consolidating his internal position and sending his opponents into retreat.

But Corbyn’s leadership presents problems for Labour. One legacy of his past is his ingrained skepticism about the European Union, which Britain’s far left once saw as a bankers’ club. During Britain’s 2016 referendum on membership, Corbyn did the bare minimum to help the campaign for a remain vote. Since then Labour has fudged its Brexit stance, managing more or less successfully to appease both pro- and anti-Europe factions within its ranks.

But it cannot postpone indefinitely the moment of decision. With the Conservative government’s Brexit plan under attack from some of May’s own lawmakers, Labour’s pro-Europeans, including some influential trade unions, are pressing Corbyn to shift policy and either embrace closer ties to Europe or call for a referendum on the terms of withdrawal.

All this comes as rumors swirl about Labour rebels joining a possible new centrist and pro-European party modeled on En Marche, the movement founded by President Emmanuel Macron of France.

But with an eye to the previous, disastrous split of 1981, no one is running for the exits; not now, at least. Some fear their hands may be forced, however. At Labour’s annual party conference later this month, left-wing activists may press plans that could make it easier to remove lawmakers critical of Corbyn, whose leadership has attracted many new party members.

Giving these activists greater power over the selection of lawmakers could threaten the future of Corbyn’s critics, perhaps even inducing them to quit the party before they are driven out.

Tensions have been heightened by the rift over anti-Semitism, which seemingly should have been resolved relatively easily. Yet accusations against Corbyn have refused to die, since it emerged earlier this year that in 2012 he had endorsed a mural that was widely considered anti-Semitic — something for which he has since apologized.

There was more controversy last month over photos of a wreath-laying ceremony Corbyn attended in Tunisia in 2014 that took place near memorials for people accused of being linked to a terrorist attack at the 1972 Olympic Games.

While Corbyn insists he abhors racism and has offered several expressions of regret and apologies over the anti-Semitism claims, he is in no mood to hide either his criticism of Israel or the support he has given to pro-Palestinian causes for decades.

Last week the crisis worsened with the resignation from Labour’s parliamentary party of Frank Field, a veteran and independent-minded lawmaker. In his resignation letter, Field accused the leadership of “becoming a force for anti-Semitism in British politics,” adding that a “culture of intolerance, nastiness and intimidation now reigns in too many parts of the party.”

While most of Corbyn’s internal critics come from the party’s pro-European center and right wing, Field is one of a handful of Labour lawmakers who campaigned for withdrawal from the bloc and have since voted for Brexit measures in support of May.

That underscores the fact that Corbyn’s internal critics operate out of a variety of objectives, none of which call for immediate action.

Pro-Europeans, still hopeful of a shift in Labour policy against Brexit, are unlikely to attempt any breakaway before next March, when Britain is scheduled to leave the European Union. Those who worry about being pushed out by left-wing activists will probably wait until such a threat materializes.While it is impossible to say how these various strands will play out, it is clear the discord and weeks of bad publicity have revealed weaknesses in a party that, only a year ago, believed it was on the threshold of power after depriving May of her parliamentary majority.

Despite the government’s Brexit fiascos and problems it is still two or three points ahead in most of the opinion polls,” said Quinn. “That wouldn’t happen if voters were convinced that Labour offered a strong and practical alternative to the government.”

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